How important are conceptual boundaries?

Recently, a couple of interesting items about autism were posted. One was a NYT podcast, and the other was an opinion piece in STAT.

Specifically, the unintended consequences of the movement from a categorical diagnostic model (Autistic Disorder and Asperger’s Disorder) to a spectrum model (Autism Spectrum Disorder, aka ASD).


In the NY Times podcast episode, I saw interesting parallels with the conflation of addiction with Substance Use Disorder (SUD) and alcohol and other drug problems.

The definition of autism is expanding, and the whole tent basically is getting bigger. And it’s being recognized as a single tent. You know, before, I think there was recognition like these things are related to each other. Now it’s being viewed as one thing, one group of people. And sort of in parallel to the changes that we’ve been talking about, there was also the growth of what became known as the neurodiversity movement. This movement was really about beginning to view autism through a different lens and rejecting the idea that it was a disease in need of a cure.

Abrams, R. (Host). (2025, November 24). The Autism Diagnosis Problem [Audio podcast episode]. In The Daily. New York Times.

We’ve seen similar patterns in recovery and SUD advocacy, rejecting the idea that addiction is a disease, sometimes with overlap between neurodiversity advocacy and SUD advocacy.


Photo by Esra Afu015far

The movement toward a spectrum has been good for some and less good for others. It’s expanded services and research for the mild and moderate forms, but limited access for people with more severe forms:

while broadening the tent did expand access to help for a huge number of people, it also brought in many different kinds of people with many different kinds of needs. And that has raised these tensions over which of those needs get prioritized in a world where there’s a really limited pile of resources to help. And there’s two really big areas where we see this, and the first is schools. I spoke with a lot of families who had kids with severe autism who said that as the number of kids with less severe disabilities has increased so much over the years, it’s made it harder to access school services that are actually geared towards their kids, their kids needing a lot more help and a lot more support to get through the day.

. . . We’ve seen a really similar thing play out in terms of autism research. Even as the amount of money that has gone towards researching autism has grown substantially year-over-year, we’ve actually seen a decrease in studies that are focused on people with the most severe impairments.

Abrams, R. (Host). (2025, November 24). The Autism Diagnosis Problem [Audio podcast episode]. In The Daily. New York Times.

We’ve seen an explosion in lower intensity SUD services over the last decade that has probably greatly benefited people with mild to moderate SUD, but it’s hard to know because a lot of published research fails to differentiate between addiction and other SUDs and often focuses on problems related to a single class of drugs (like opioids), where addiction often involves multiple drugs.


It has also led to an advocacy movement where people with milder forms (and, probably, other forms of neurodiversity) advocate on behalf of the whole spectrum, challenging the parents and caregivers of people with severe forms.

parents of the kids with severe autism who are now at odds with activists who are self-advocates—who are autistic people themselves—who say, “You know, we have a shared experience as members of the autistic community that you can’t understand.” And I think that is a really difficult dynamic that has played out in this community: who gets to speak for the community when there are such broad needs, and the people on the most severe end of the spectrum often cannot speak for themselves.

Abrams, R. (Host). (2025, November 24). The Autism Diagnosis Problem [Audio podcast episode]. In The Daily. New York Times.

We see similar patterns in recovery and SUD advocacy, where the movement initially sought to make recovery from addiction visible and promote people in recovery as community assets. Over the past decade, large segments of the movement have evolved into allies and people who use drugs advocating on behalf of people who use drugs.


An article in STAT points to the amorphous boundaries of neurodiversity as a problem for the category as a useful social movement, because it risks being too inclusive, and social movements require exclusionary boundaries to differentiate those within the social identity from those outside it.

Does New Jersey exist if there’s no boundary between it and Pennsylvania?

The movement also relies on there being others, in this case neurotypicals. Therefore, neurodiversity has to be defined by those who have been diagnosed as or self-identify with conditions such as autism, ADHD, Tourette’s syndrome, bipolar disorder — anything considered a neurological variation resulting in behavioral differences outside of society’s norm — precisely so those who have not been diagnosed as or self-identify with these conditions can be the other.

All social movements need an other because it helps to reinforce one’s own identity — if the other is X, Y, and Z, then I know I am not X, Y, and Z. And if the other is seen as responsible for doing things that make your own life difficult, then they become the target of your frustration (which though just at times, can also become problematic). It’s this opposition that cements neurodiversity as a social movement.

Pemment, J. (2025, November 24). The definitional problems at the heart of the neurodiversity movement. STAT.

‌Overly broad boundaries that creep into “normalcy” risk undermining the connective cement that coheres groups of people in a movement. We’ve previously written about the problems with SUD as a category and that recovery definitions like NIAAA’s produce “recoveries” that have little in common with reference to the problem or its resolution.


Finally, what happens when the very inclusive movement achieves critical mass?

Once it dawns on everyone that there is an infinity of neurodiversity within neurotypicals, the movement will lose its other and so will no longer be a social movement. Likewise, if by showing people through social media what neurodiversity looks like, more people realize that they have these traits, the neurodiverse will move from being a minority to a majority, which itself might be a logical ending for the movement, because the other has to be seen as the majority. The natural ending for any critical social movement should be that equality has been achieved.

Pemment, J. (2025, November 24). The definitional problems at the heart of the neurodiversity movement. STAT.

The salient question is, has equality been achieved?

For who?

Have those on the severe end of the spectrum achieved equality under these circumstances?

5 thoughts on “How important are conceptual boundaries?

  1. One of the most helpful continuing education sessions I’ve ever attended in my whole career was back in 2013.  I got to hear Charles O’Brien for a whole hour.  He chaired the workgroup for the DSM in its revision of the Addiction section from the DSM-IV to the DSM-5.  In his presentation he discussed moving from a category approach (abuse and dependence) to a continuum approach (mild, moderate, severe).  He said during the 20 years of DSM-IV the field of clinicians and researchers had an accuracy in differentiating abuse from dependence above the 90th percentile and that did not need fixing.  But they did think a spectrum would be better nonetheless.  He also said they didn’t know if “mild, moderate, severe” had any meaning or any validity.  And they didn’t know if the cutoffs of 2-3 criteria for mild, 4-5 for moderate, and 6 or more severe were meaningful or not and were just a guess.  He said the continuum itself, mild moderate and severe specifically, and the numeric cutoffs for each, had no meaning and were all a guess.  He said data from the upcoming years of research and clinical work would be rolled back in, inform the DSM workgroup, and the layout of the addiction section would be refined and revised accordingly – as is done in all areas of science, based on how the guesses end up working out. 

    My opinions are as follows.  The criteria themselves are improved in the DSM-5 from the DSM-IV.  The continuum overall has not been a large benefit, as we have simply moved from 2 categories to 3.  And the opportunity to change “dependence” which we could diagnose, to “addiction” which we are not allowed to diagnose (although that section of the manual has “addiction” in its name), was lost.  And that leaves us worse off.  Over ten years of clinical work and research have not been rolled back in to improve upon their initial guesses.  Meanwhile, the field has been trying to give it all meaning, which we were told it did not have.   

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  2. Thanks for the comment and that background. I’d only question one part of what you said.

    “The continuum overall has not been a large benefit, as we have simply moved from 2 categories to 3.”

    In practice, I think we’ve gone from 2 categories to 1. I don’t see clinicians or researchers making much use of mild/moderate/severe.

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  3. I get your point. And until proven otherwise, in my opinion, that reflects one factor: poor or no clinical supervision.

    I’ll show you my thinking this way.  In the DSM-IV we had 5 diagnostic axes, which were categories of consideration.  And those were also eliminated.  The 5 axes provided guidance in what kinds of things must be considered.  Axis 5 was “global assessment of functioning”, the GAF.  It was a gross or global numeric scaling of overall function on a scale from 0-100.  It was like taking the person’s overall temperature in their basic functional ability.  For example, how does someone do in their activities of daily living?  How functionally impaired are they, overall?

    In the years leading up to the change from DSM-IV to DSM-5 the cries to get rid of the GAF were building strongly.  The theme of the criticism was that it didn’t mean a lot and people struggled to use it.  There was not a lot of consensus among clinicians on the GAF for the same one person.  Struggling to use a diagnostic system is a function of education, training, and supervision.  Struggling to use the GAF with expert-level inter-rater reliability even more so.  The cries to get rid of it showed me that clinical supervision in our field is generally lacking (either missing or low quality).  It did not show me that the GAF was a poor scale.

    Your words “in practice” are key.  In practice the GAF was not helpful for many people and unpopular.  And now it and the other four axes are gone.  So, to agree with your point further, in the big picture the person is now one whole only, and not considered on the 5 axes systematically.  That leaves us worse off.  And in the SUD small picture, in practice, under poor or no supervision, the SUD moniker suffices. And the 3 SUD categories of mild, moderate, and severe, even if documented, are in real practice effectively abandoned/left devoid of meaning.  In my opinion, that reflects a problem with education, training, and clinical supervision, rather than the 3 categories as a system per se.

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